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Affirmative Action: Positive or Negative Intervention? (Part 2)

I n Part 1 we explored the rumoured origins of affirmative action and the essence of it. In this Part 2 we take the discussion further as regards what affirmative action is and what it is not.

The trouble with the affirmative action debate is that it is rooted in whatever political, racial or religious camp of the speaker, further cluttered by un-original thought usually characterised by quotable quotes (even if unacknowledged) of famous (and infamous) pretenders that the speaker obviously holds in higher regard than himself or herself. The moment you strip away that political, religious or racial bias; that borrowed Churchill epigram or Tony Leon sarcasm; that hero-worshipped Mbeki’s “Afrocentric” thrust or the admired Arch’s elusive “rainbow nation” promise, there is no substance left in the debate. Cold, non-aligned and original thought is what is required for a meaningful debate on this subject. I am certain that if we were to come out of the pigeon-holes we have carved out for ourselves, every sane South African would see the need for affirmative action.

Because we are a constitutional democracy, it all starts with the Constitution. From what I can gather from opponents such as a trade union that crossed the Atlantic to demonise affirmative action (ironically in a country where the principle is said to have originated) it appears few people in the affirmative action debate are aware that affirmative action – like the property rights that many propertied white people tend to invoke at the drop of a hat – is a constitutional imperative. That really ought to be the end of the argument against affirmative action as a principle or government policy. It is, like spilt milk, done. Not by hook or by crook but by law. Like law-abiding citizens, we should learn to live with it – at least until another government with different policies takes over.

Just over a decade ago in Cape Town, the city council, in its haste purportedly to “deracialise” life in that city, removed the requirement of affirmative procurement for city contracts. One wonders whether the council took the trouble to seek honest counsel’s opinion before embarking on that clearly constitutionally provocative (albeit seemingly politically expedient) path in a city notorious for service delivery that is skewed along racial lines and where the lines of the Group Areas Act are as prominently marked out now as they were in the heady days of “separate development”.

It is not affirmative action as a policy that is the devil but the manner of its implementation. You cannot appoint a black BA graduate over a white medical doctor to perform medical procedures. That is not affirmative action.

A 16 year old white matriculant at my old school articulated the proper application of affirmative action clearer than I feared to tread when he said it cannot be about choosing the black candidate over a white candidate of equal ability, experience and qualification because in almost all instances the white candidate will in any event have the very advantage (as regards experience and therefore ability) gained from years of preferential treatment that affirmative action seeks to correct. It must therefore, said he, be about appointing a less qualified black candidate (not unqualified) in whom resources will be ploughed in order to bring him or her up to the required standard within a relatively short time without compromising the quality of the work that needs to be done.

Of course, the implementation goes pear-shaped where the black candidate so appointed is then left unresourced, undeveloped and unsupported. That is a failure of implementation, not of affirmative action as a policy.

So where does that leave young white graduates not advantaged by preferential treatment of the recent past? For one thing there is no such thing as a young white graduate not advantaged by apartheid. Such are the trappings of advantage that people may take it so for granted that they may not realise it is there.

Ask a black child whose breadwinner father never returned from work one day because he was not carrying his “pass” and so was trucked to the Transkei in a place he had never set foot before, and subsequently lost his messenger job for not showing up at work “without cause”, and never regained employment as he then had a “previous conviction” of not carrying his “pass”.

That child will probably tell you he or she could not go back to school because he or she had to find work in white people’s mines or gardens or kitchens to support his or her mother who was left traumatised by the disappearance of her husband. Get the picture?

For another, if I were a young white graduate who considers himself not to have been advantaged by apartheid, I would take a look around me (especially in the financial services sector, engineering, law and some specialist disciplines in medicine) and sleep well at night secure in the comfort that this affirmative action “beast” is all much ado about nothing. It will be decades (if ever) before South Africa can safely dispense with young white graduates’ skills. And I would not allow a politician intent on a residential address at Tuynhuys to tell me otherwise.

In Part 3 we shall discuss what the Constitutional Court says about affirmative action.

By |2025-01-15T10:16:50+02:00January 19th, 2019|News|1 Comment

The Sub Judice Rule: Is it applicable in Today’s South Africa?

W hat did he know and when did he know it? That is the question that confronted then Deputy President, Cyril Ramaphosa, in Parliament in 2015. It is a question that US President Richard Nixon chose not to answer than face impeachment.  He resigned instead.

The allegation was that President Nixon had stolen (or caused to be stolen) audio tapes of his telephone conversations with various insalubrious characters because those tapes implicated him in unlawful conduct. That was June 1973 in Washington.

A little shy of 42 years later, the same question was put to then Deputy President Ramaphosa inside the parliamentary chamber in Cape Town. It related to the unexplained presence of a signal jamming device in the parliamentary chamber that reportedly made it impossible for journalists to post parliamentary news on social media platforms and elsewhere in the performance of their constitutional right. He, too, performed a deft toyi-toyi around the question and invoked an Aunt Sally in the form and shape of the sub-judice rule.

Sub judice is the thin veil of choice by politicians when faced with awkward questions about things they have done or said which are the subject of a court case.

But what is the sub judice rule, really?

Of all legal defences available to Man, the sub judice rule is probably the most abused in South Africa. A relic of the trial-by-jury system, it was intended to serve as a shield for juries from possible improper influence of extra-judicial comments about the case on which they would soon deliberate and render a verdict. Thus, juries would be forbidden from talking to anyone outside their number about the case lest they be influenced.

Hence sub judice or “still under juridical consideration”.

But in South Africa there is no danger of a jury being improperly influenced by the loud musings of a Deputy President about a signal jamming device inside the parliamentary chamber.

Here we have people called Judges to deliberate on these things. Our law affords them the presumption of impartiality. In other words, Judges are presumed to be impartial even in the wake of a Deputy President owning up inside the parliamentary chamber to knowing a thing or two about how, why, when, and by whom that signal jamming device came to festoon beneath parliamentary columns.

In any event, what is said in the parliamentary chamber, stays in the parliamentary chamber. It is privileged and cannot be used to hoist a Deputy President by his own petard in subsequent court proceedings.

In short, the sub judice rule does not serve as protection from accountability or the obligation to answer awkward questions in South Africa.

This being an election year, it is likely that politicians, either directly or indirectly through their hired goons, may be tempted to take liberties with other people’s rights and, when confronted, plead sub judice. The media should not let them off the hook on that pretext.

By |2025-01-15T10:16:50+02:00January 10th, 2019|News|Comments Off on The Sub Judice Rule: Is it applicable in Today’s South Africa?

Affirmative Action: Positive or Negative Intervention? (Part 1)

S pringbok Rugby captain, Siya Kolisi, got tongues wagging on social media recently by expressing the view in a television interview that Nelson Mandela would not approve of quotas in the selection process for a place on the Springbok squad. He also said, among other things, he does not want to be selected on the basis of his race.

Whatever the merits or demerits of the Springbok Captain’s views, affirmative action seems to be much misunderstood. Whether such misunderstanding is genuine or by design often depends on the environment of one’s upbringing and social construct.

While unfair discrimination in South Africa has in various ways touched not only black people (that is, those who are not white) but also women (to varying degrees depending on race), the disabled (again, to varying degrees depending on race), gays and lesbians, people of the Jewish faith and people of the Islamic faith, black people have been particularly ravaged by it and continue to feel and live the effects of apartheid. Black people of African descent have undoubtedly borne the brunt of it all. Enter affirmative action.

It is rumoured that the whole affirmative action debate started in 1941 when American President Franklin Roosevelt signed Executive Order 8802 which outlawed discriminatory employment policies by defence-related industries which held federal contracts. Some 12 years later in 1953, President Harry Truman commissioned a Committee on Government Contract Compliance which recommended in its report that the Bureau of Employment Security “act positively and affirmatively to implement the policy of non-discrimination”.

The phrase “affirmative action” was first used in an American Executive Order 11246 signed into federal law by President Lyndon Johnson in 1965. The Order required all federal contractors to “take affirmative action to ensure that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated during employment, without regard to their race, creed, colour, or national origin”. The penalties for breaching the Order included criminal prosecution and termination of the contract. Two years later, the reach of the Order was extended to include women.

Of course, to “take affirmative action” in the context of the 1965 Executive Order meant to consciously take positive steps with a view to ensuring that the then practice in America of discriminating against black people in the workplace was brought to a halt. But since the practice was so entrenched and widespread that it had been accepted as a way of life, positive (hence “affirmative”) action was required to root it out.

One cannot “uproot” weed and its effect simply by allowing it to die a natural death. One has to actively weed it out. Discrimination in South Africa against black people was (and still is) like weed in an otherwise beautiful and blossoming garden – the garden that is our economy. Just as positive action is required to stop weed from growing and to remove the effect that it has on other plants and flowers (that of ravenously soaking up water and eating up the nutrients needed by these plants and flowers in order to blossom), so too positive action is required to weed out the effects of discrimination against black people. Merely stopping and no longer actively practising or encouraging discrimination against black people in the economy will not extirpate its firmly rooted effects. President Lyndon Johnson was painfully alive to this.

Siya is wrong when he says Nelson Mandela would not have approved of quotas in the selection process on the Springbok squad – if by that he meant affirmative action – because in 1998, the first democratic Parliament under the leadership of President Nelson Mandela recognised, in the pre-amble to the Employment Equity Act, that:

 

“as a result of apartheid and other discriminatory laws and practices, there are disparities in employment, occupation and income within the national labour market”; and

“those disparities create such pronounced disadvantages for certain categories of people that they cannot be redressed simply by repealing discriminatory laws”:

So, affirmative action, in truth, means to act positively with a view to rooting out the effects of discrimination. It is not intended – nor was it ever intended in the land of its rumoured origin – to put a stop to discrimination itself. To do so would be tantamount to ring-fencing and perpetuating the advantage unfairly – in many instances brutally – gained by white persons at black persons’ expense.

In any event, the Constitution that was negotiated at a multi-party forum comprising all races does allow for justifiable discrimination. Affirmative action is just that.

By |2025-01-15T10:16:50+02:00January 10th, 2019|News|Comments Off on Affirmative Action: Positive or Negative Intervention? (Part 1)

Beached Whales and Retirement Funds: National Treasury’s Role

A n editorial of a leading retirement industry publication has poignantly captured the fate of retirement funds in these words:

“Retirement funds are like beached whales. Every man and his dog can take a bite. The funds are easy meat because the biters are as astute as the bitten are defenceless, except for their thick skins. Between the biters and the bitten are supposed to be trustees, poor things. They’ve hardly a hope in hell, and sometimes don’t even know about the bites until they’ve been savaged.”

This is an indictment not so much of retirement funds as the regulation thereof. It is hopelessly lacking. Consider, for example, the new regulations to the Long-Term Insurance Act recently signed into law by the Minister of Finance. The regulations legalise so-called “causal event charge”, a pseudonym for what life companies variously referred to as “early termination charge” and “premium reduction fee”. And this, the new regulations say, is to be allowed “whether or not the actuarial basis [for such a charge] has been expressly incorporated in the policy”!

But this is precisely the practice that has given rise to so many complaints as regards the charging of unauthorised penalty fees in the event of members reducing or stopping contributions.

Instead of addressing the problem by simply making express provision in the policy for such a charge in the event of any of these events occurring, it appears life companies have successfully lobbied for a semblance of legality to what has hitherto been an undesirable business practice of springing surprise charges on unsuspecting members of underwritten RAs. The mind boggles as to how the legalisation of this practice could possibly have come to pass when it has generated so many complaints by underwritten RA fund members.

In simple terms, life companies can now levy a penalty every time a member of an underwritten RA either stops or reduces contributions, whether or not such a penalty is authorised by the policy or any other relevant document.

Thus, far from facilitating the protection of RA fund members’ interests, National Treasury appears to have turned members into beached whales, thereby making underwritten RAs a more dangerous, opaque and parasitic avenue through which to save for retirement than they ever were.

Another beached whale of a different sort is the Office of the Pension Funds Adjudicator that I have had the honour of leading between 17 March 2004 and 30 April 2007. It was established with a view (at least ostensibly) to disposing of complaints quickly, fairly and without charge. “Quickly” was a non-starter for the year ending 31 March 2007 after the FSB refused to release funds for the appointment of staff necessary to deal with an avalanche of complaints. “Fair” is a pipe dream since the office has no equity jurisdiction. The only empirical certainty about the office is that it renders a free service to the public.

But what good is a free public service when a motley of features conspire to render it ineffective? For instance, the office does not control its own budget and so must dance to the tune of the FSB if it is to remain sustainable since the FSB holds the purse strings of levies paid by retirement fund members for the adjudicator’s use.

Recent events, culminating in my departure, demonstrate only too starkly that a refusal to dance to the FSB’s unmelodic tune results in the office’s statutory functions being impeded. As a result, its independence is immediately compromised.

While its primary mandate is to deal with retirement issues, it is by legislation expressly barred from dealing with the most contentious retirement issue in recent years – surplus apportionment. It is not immediately clear why this exclusion was thought necessary.

Most dishearteningly, the office’s rulings effectively stand or fall at the whim of large companies. On current legislation, all they need do is virtually show up in the high court, mumble a word or two about the adjudicator’s jurisdiction, and have the adjudicator’s ruling set aside. This is so because the complainant invariably has no money to fight the company in the high court; and it has been ruled that the adjudicator has no business getting involved at the high court stage.

Thus, without opposition in their curial joust, large companies contrive to have the adjudicator’s rulings set aside in the high court. In these circumstances, it is difficult to conceive of the adjudicator’s office as anything other than a beached whale.

The challenge to National Treasury is to show that it has the courage to stand up for what is just. There are at least ten steps in which it can do so.

First, make the adjudicator’s rulings subject to a review, not a fresh application. Second, prevail on the justice ministry to allow the funding of deserving cases on complainants’ behalf by the Legal Aid Board. Third, outlaw underwritten RAs. Fourth, allow the adjudicator’s office to control its own budget. Fifth, appoint a Ministerial Legal Task Team to overhaul the entire Pension Funds Act to keep pace with constitutional and other developments.

Sixth, codify all retirement legislation under one Act. Seventh, set out in clear and unambiguous terms a list of undesirable business practices together with a clear stiff sanction for each and strictly apply those sanctions. Eighth, make clear legislative provision for RA members freely to transfer between funds prior to retirement without incurring penalties for so doing. Ninth, facilitate a professional working relationship between the adjudicator’s office and the FSB. Tenth, confer equity jurisdiction on the adjudicator’s office.

In my view, it is by these standards that National Treasury’s commitment to a just and equitable regulation of the retirement industry must be judged. These standards are easily implementable without much fuss even by a most unwilling authority with a conscience. They cost National Treasury nothing in money terms and I am quite certain large companies’ patronage is not even a consideration for National Treasury.

I can only hope and pray that the single biggest contribution we have made – that of instigating a legislative amendment to enable RA fund members to transfer from one RA to another before retirement age without incurring a penalty – will finally become reality and remain so.

By |2025-01-15T10:16:50+02:00May 16th, 2007|News|Comments Off on Beached Whales and Retirement Funds: National Treasury’s Role

A Case for Class Action in Retirement Fund Complaints

S ince July 2005 the adjudicator’s office has been receiving on average 420 complaints a month. This is an increase from the average monthly rate of 200 complaints between April 2004 and March 2005 and an average rate of 170 complaints per month between April 2003 and March 2004. In May 2006 alone, 522 complaints flooded in. Yet our staff complement has remained the same as when we were receiving 200 complaints a month. This is a cry for help.

Because we have a statutory obligation to resolve complaints expeditiously, an involuntary go-slow is not an option. And you cannot keep throwing money at the problem by hiring more and more staff. So, what do we do?

One option is to outsource some of the work for investigation to private law firms and advocates. The findings of the investigation can then be submitted to the adjudicator who will then make a determination.

But that is fraught with problems not least of which is the expense of the exercise. The kind of law firms that can do pension work do not come cheaply, and you cannot instruct an advocate directly but need to go throw a firm of attorneys, meaning you pay two (or more) people for the work of one person.

There is also the danger of a conflict of interest where a firm that has done an investigation on a complaint involving ABC retirement annuity fund can use some of the detail it picked up from the file to the prejudice of ABC retirement annuity fund in another case for the benefit of another client. A restraint agreement will not solve the problem because any agreement that says a firm cannot act for an opponent in a matter involving any of the parties to a complaint it investigated in the past would in my view be unreasonable and probably legally unenforceable.

I think the answer lies in a class action. In other words, people with substantially similar complaints against the same employer or retirement fund or underwriter or administrator can club together and bring one complaint. That way, instead of investigating and adjudicating on 20 complaints covering the same cause of complaint against one retirement fund, we investigate one complaint and make one determination.

This has a knock-on effect on the efficiency of the courts and the retirement funds and life companies that underwrite these funds. Instead of challenging 20 determinations, they challenge one. And the courts hear one application instead of 20 similar applications by the same applicant.

What’s more, the rules of the High Court do allow a consolidation of similar applications against the same opponent. It will thus be nothing new if 20 complainants can lodge one complaint against the same retirement fund and/or underwriter. The complaints must, however, be substantially similar.

In addition, pension rights are for all intents and purposes in effect property rights and are constitutionally protected. The constitution provides that a class action can be brought with a view to asserting and protecting any of the rights that fall under the Bill of Rights chapter, including property rights.

It is a mystery to me why law firms in South Africa have not taken advantage of this opportunity to do some good by representing a host of people in one case in their struggle to protect their pension benefits from the clutches of well-resources companies. Complaints involving retirement annuity funds and preservation funds (for example) present a huge opportunity to do some good and get paid at the same time.

The Department of Trade and Industry in England has recently proposed new laws aimed at enabling consumers to mount class action suits against retailers and service providers for faulty goods and shoddy services. In my recent visit to the UK Pensions Ombudsman, Dave Laverick, and The Pension Advisory Services (TPAS), Des Hamilton, I learnt that there is widespread consumer and regulatory condemnation of some of the business practices of life companies there, especially in the pension fund arena. Indications are that the proposed new laws may help aggrieved pension fund members and their dependants mount unprecedented class action suits against underwriters.

Claims by big business that these laws may be open to abuse by consumer groups to run “crusades” have been made. No doubt similar claims will be made here. But the proof of the pudding is, as always, in the eating.

n editorial of a leading retirement industry publication has poignantly captured the fate of retirement funds in these words:

“Retirement funds are like beached whales. Every man and his dog can take a bite. The funds are easy meat because the biters are as astute as the bitten are defenceless, except for their thick skins. Between the biters and the bitten are supposed to be trustees, poor things. They’ve hardly a hope in hell, and sometimes don’t even know about the bites until they’ve been savaged.”

This is an indictment not so much of retirement funds as the regulation thereof. It is hopelessly lacking. Consider, for example, the new regulations to the Long-Term Insurance Act recently signed into law by the Minister of Finance. The regulations legalise so-called “causal event charge”, a pseudonym for what life companies variously referred to as “early termination charge” and “premium reduction fee”. And this, the new regulations say, is to be allowed “whether or not the actuarial basis [for such a charge] has been expressly incorporated in the policy”!

But this is precisely the practice that has given rise to so many complaints as regards the charging of unauthorised penalty fees in the event of members reducing or stopping contributions.

Instead of addressing the problem by simply making express provision in the policy for such a charge in the event of any of these events occurring, it appears life companies have successfully lobbied for a semblance of legality to what has hitherto been an undesirable business practice of springing surprise charges on unsuspecting members of underwritten RAs. The mind boggles as to how the legalisation of this practice could possibly have come to pass when it has generated so many complaints by underwritten RA fund members.

In simple terms, life companies can now levy a penalty every time a member of an underwritten RA either stops or reduces contributions, whether or not such a penalty is authorised by the policy or any other relevant document.

Thus, far from facilitating the protection of RA fund members’ interests, National Treasury appears to have turned members into beached whales, thereby making underwritten RAs a more dangerous, opaque and parasitic avenue through which to save for retirement than they ever were.

Another beached whale of a different sort is the Office of the Pension Funds Adjudicator that I have had the honour of leading between 17 March 2004 and 30 April 2007. It was established with a view (at least ostensibly) to disposing of complaints quickly, fairly and without charge. “Quickly” was a non-starter for the year ending 31 March 2007 after the FSB refused to release funds for the appointment of staff necessary to deal with an avalanche of complaints. “Fair” is a pipe dream since the office has no equity jurisdiction. The only empirical certainty about the office is that it renders a free service to the public.

But what good is a free public service when a motley of features conspire to render it ineffective? For instance, the office does not control its own budget and so must dance to the tune of the FSB if it is to remain sustainable since the FSB holds the purse strings of levies paid by retirement fund members for the adjudicator’s use.

Recent events, culminating in my departure, demonstrate only too starkly that a refusal to dance to the FSB’s unmelodic tune results in the office’s statutory functions being impeded. As a result, its independence is immediately compromised.

While its primary mandate is to deal with retirement issues, it is by legislation expressly barred from dealing with the most contentious retirement issue in recent years – surplus apportionment. It is not immediately clear why this exclusion was thought necessary.

Most dishearteningly, the office’s rulings effectively stand or fall at the whim of large companies. On current legislation, all they need do is virtually show up in the high court, mumble a word or two about the adjudicator’s jurisdiction, and have the adjudicator’s ruling set aside. This is so because the complainant invariably has no money to fight the company in the high court; and it has been ruled that the adjudicator has no business getting involved at the high court stage.

Thus, without opposition in their curial joust, large companies contrive to have the adjudicator’s rulings set aside in the high court. In these circumstances, it is difficult to conceive of the adjudicator’s office as anything other than a beached whale.

The challenge to National Treasury is to show that it has the courage to stand up for what is just. There are at least ten steps in which it can do so.

First, make the adjudicator’s rulings subject to a review, not a fresh application. Second, prevail on the justice ministry to allow the funding of deserving cases on complainants’ behalf by the Legal Aid Board. Third, outlaw underwritten RAs. Fourth, allow the adjudicator’s office to control its own budget. Fifth, appoint a Ministerial Legal Task Team to overhaul the entire Pension Funds Act to keep pace with constitutional and other developments.

Sixth, codify all retirement legislation under one Act. Seventh, set out in clear and unambiguous terms a list of undesirable business practices together with a clear stiff sanction for each and strictly apply those sanctions. Eighth, make clear legislative provision for RA members freely to transfer between funds prior to retirement without incurring penalties for so doing. Ninth, facilitate a professional working relationship between the adjudicator’s office and the FSB. Tenth, confer equity jurisdiction on the adjudicator’s office.

In my view, it is by these standards that National Treasury’s commitment to a just and equitable regulation of the retirement industry must be judged. These standards are easily implementable without much fuss even by a most unwilling authority with a conscience. They cost National Treasury nothing in money terms and I am quite certain large companies’ patronage is not even a consideration for National Treasury.

I can only hope and pray that the single biggest contribution we have made – that of instigating a legislative amendment to enable RA fund members to transfer from one RA to another before retirement age without incurring a penalty – will finally become reality and remain so.

By |2025-01-15T10:16:50+02:00January 17th, 2007|News|Comments Off on A Case for Class Action in Retirement Fund Complaints
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